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Posted by Adam Kolber on 11/08/2009 at 06:25 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
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Posted by Adam Kolber on 11/04/2009 at 03:07 AM | Permalink | Comments (1) | TrackBack (0)
From Nature News:
An Italian court has cut the sentence given to a convicted murderer by a year because he has genes linked to violent behaviour — the first time that behavioural genetics has affected a sentence passed by a European court. But researchers contacted by Nature have questioned whether the decision was based on sound science.
And some more:
During the trial, Bayout's lawyer, Tania Cattarossi, asked the court to take into account that her client may have been mentally ill at the time of the murder. After considering three psychiatric reports, the judge, Paolo Alessio Vernì, partially agreed that Bayout's psychiatric illness was a mitigating factor and sentenced him to 9 years and 2 months in prison — around three years less than Bayout would have received had he been deemed to be of sound mind.
But at an appeal hearing in May this year, Pier Valerio Reinotti, a judge of the Court of Appeal in Trieste, asked forensic scientists for a new independent psychiatric report to decide whether he should commute the sentence further.
For the new report, Pietro Pietrini, a molecular neuroscientist at Italy's University of Pisa, and Giuseppe Sartori, a cognitive neuroscientist at the University of Padova, conducted a series of tests and found abnormalities in brain-imaging scans and in five genes that have been linked to violent behaviour — including the gene encoding the neurotransmitter-metabolizing enzyme monoamine oxidase A (MAOA).
Law professor Nita Farahany is quoted here:
"The point is that behavioural genetics is not there yet, we cannot explain individual behaviour, only large population statistics," says Nita Farahany of Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, who specializes in the legal and ethical issues arising from behavioural genetics and neuroscience.
And some of her work mentioned here:
According to Farahany, who updates a personal database on sentences passed in the United States, in the past five years there have been at least 200 cases where lawyers have attempted to use genetic evidence to support the idea their clients' were predisposed to violent behaviour, depression or drug or alcohol abuse. In Britain, there have been at least 20 such cases in the past five years.
Posted by Adam Kolber on 11/03/2009 at 07:27 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
Recently posted to SSRN:
Stanford Technology Law Review, ForthcomingMICHAEL L. PERLIN, New York Law School
This paper considers the implications of neuroimaging in three under discussed aspects of criminal procedure - the implications of Ake v. Oklahoma (an indigent defendant's access to expert testimony) in cases where neuroimaging tests might be critical, (2) the defendant's competency to consent to the imposition of a neuroimaging test or examination; and (3) the impact of medications - specifically, antipsychotic medications - on a defendant's brain at the time that such a test is performed.
Given the warning signals that have been raised by commentators as to the potentiality of juror misuse and misinterpretation of neuroimaging testimony, it is critical that we take seriously the issues raised here. I conclude that there are hidden landmines inevitably present when we think about the use of neuroimaging in criminal trials - landmines that go can infect the fairness of the trial process itself.
If an indigent criminal defendant is refused access to an independent expert in an area where jurors may uncritically accept neuroimaging testimony (because of its visual appeal and its apparent lack of falsifiability), the fairness of the entire trial remains in question. If no attention is paid to the difficult and complex ethical issues that should surface if the question of the defendant's competency to consent to being tested is not raised, trial fairness is a concern. And finally, if we ignore the reality that the neuroimaging evidence shown to jurors may not be an accurate depiction of the defendant's brain at the time of the offense - but rather, a depiction of his brain at a later time when his brain biochemistry has been altered by the imposition of medication - we willfully blind ourselves to the possibility (perhaps "likelihood") that the database presented to the jury is potentially fatally flawed.
Posted by Adam Kolber on 11/02/2009 at 04:53 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
An interesting and sure-to-be controversial paper that was recently posted to SSRN:
"Some Realism About Punishment Naturalism"
University of Chicago Law Review, Vol. 77, 2010DONALD BRAMAN, Cultural Cognition Project, George Washington University - Law School
DAN M. KAHAN, Yale University - Law School
DAVID A. HOFFMAN, Temple University - James E. Beasley School of Law
In this paper we critique the increasingly prominent claims of punishment naturalism – the notion that highly nuanced intuitions about most forms of crime and punishment are broadly shared, and that this agreement is best explained by a particular form of evolutionary psychology. While the core claims of punishment naturalism are deeply attractive and intuitive, they are contradicted by a broad array of studies and depend on a number of logical missteps. The most obvious shortcoming of punishment naturalism is that it ignores empirical research demonstrating deep disagreements over what constitutes a wrongful act and just how wrongful it should be deemed to be. But an equally serious shortcoming of punishment naturalism is that it fails to provide a credible account of the social and cognitive mechanisms by which individuals evaluate both crime and punishment, opting instead for explanations that are either specific and demonstrably wrong or so vague as to be untestable.
By way of contrast we describe an alternative approach, punishment realism, that develops the core insights of legal realism via psychology and anthropology. Punishment realism, we argue, offers a more complete account of agreement and disagreement over the criminal law and provides a more detailed and credible account of the social and cognitive mechanisms that move people to either agree or disagree with one another on whether and how much praise or punishment a given act deserves. The differences between these two empirical accounts also entail contrasting implications for how those interested in maximizing social welfare and public satisfaction with the law should approach questions of crime and punishment.
Posted by Adam Kolber on 10/29/2009 at 04:34 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
Recently posted to SSRN:
U of Penn Law School, Public Law Research Paper No. 09-24PAUL H. ROBINSON, University of Pennsylvania Law School
GEOFFREY P. GOODWIN, Dept. of Psychology, University of Pennsylvania
MICHAEL REISIG, Arizona State University - School of Criminology & Criminal Justice
The retributivists and the crime-control instrumentalists have seen themselves as being in a irresolvable conflict for more than half a century. Social science increasingly suggests, however, that they need not be. Doing justice may be the most effective means of controlling crime. Perhaps partially in recognition of these developments, the American Law Institute's recent amendment to the Model Penal Code's "purposes" provision – the only amendment to the Model Code in the 47 years since its promulgation – adopts desert as the primary distributive principle for criminal liability and punishment.
That shift to desert has prompted concerns by two groups – ironically, two groups traditionally opposed to one another. The first group – those concerned with what they see as the over-punitiveness of current criminal law – worries that setting desert as the dominant distributive principle means continuing the punitive doctrines they find so objectionable, and perhaps will make things worse. The second group – those concerned with ensuring effective crime control – worries that a shift to desert will create many missed crime-control opportunities; it will increase avoidable crime.
The first group's concern about over-punitiveness rests upon an assumption that the current punitive crime-control doctrines of which they disapprove are a reflection of the community's naturally punitive intuitions of justice. However, as Study 1 makes clear, today's popular crime-control doctrines in fact seriously conflict with people's intuitions of justice by exaggerating the punishment deserved.
The second group's concern that a desert principle will increase avoidable crime exemplifies the common wisdom of the past half century that ignoring justice in pursuit of crime-control through deterrence, incapacitation of the dangerous, and other such coercive crime-control programs is cost free. However, Studies 2 and 3 suggest that doing injustice has real crime control costs. Deviating from the community's shared principles of justice undermines the system's moral credibility and thereby undermines its ability to gain cooperation and compliance and to harness the powerful forces of social influence and internalized norms.
The studies reported here give assurances to both groups. A shift to desert is not likely to either undermine the criminal justice system's crime-control effectiveness, and indeed may enhance it, nor is it likely to increase the system's punitiveness, and indeed may reduce it.
Posted by Adam Kolber on 10/28/2009 at 04:37 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
Recently posted to SSRN:
"The MAOA Gene Predicts Credit Card Debt"
JAN-EMMANUEL DE NEVE, London School of Economics & Political Science (LSE), Harvard Business School
JAMES H. FOWLER, University of California, San Diego - Department of Political Science
This paper presents the first evidence of a specific gene predicting real world economic behavior. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, we show that individuals with a polymorphism of the MAOA gene that has lower transcriptional efficiency are significantly more likely to report having credit card debt. Having one or both MAOA alleles of the low efficiency type raises the average likelihood of having credit card debt by 7.8% and 15.9% respectively. About half of our population has one or both MAOA alleles of the low type. Prior research has linked this genetic variation to lack of conscientiousness, impulsivity, and addictive behavior.
Posted by Adam Kolber on 10/26/2009 at 04:23 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
Here's an out-of-the-ordinary piece recently posted to SSRN:
"Bush's Brain (No, Not Karl Rove): How Bush’s Psyche Shaped His Decision-Making", in R. Maranto, JUDGING BUSH, Stanford University Press, 2009
ROBERT MARANTO, University of Arkansas at Fayetteville - Education Reform
RICHARD E. REDDING, Chapman University School of Law
We summarize the most systematic work on George W. Bush's psyche. SAT scores and other available measures indicate that Bush has sufficient intelligence to serve as president. Yet the best studies, in which raters evaluate statements without being aware of their source, suggest that Bush lacks integrative complexity and thus views issues without nuance. The leading personality theory (the “5-Factor Model”), as measured by the NEO Personality Inventory, suggests that Bush is highly extraverted but not very agreeable or conscientious. He also scores low on “Openness to Experience." Similarly, using the Millon Inventory of Diagnostic Criteria, Bush fits the “Outgoing,” “Dominant (Controlling),” and “Dauntless” personality patterns, which together constitute a style given to lack of reflection, superficiality, and impulsivity. When compared to other presidents, Bush most closely resembles Jackson, Reagan, and Harding, but is very unlike his father, George H.W. Bush.
We apply these findings to discussions of President Bush's decision-making in the cases of his most notable success, education reform, and his most notable failure, the Iraq war. We argue that Bush's psychological predispositions were particularly noteworthy in the latter, in part because greater presidential power in foreign policy magnifies the impacts of leader personality.
Posted by Adam Kolber on 10/25/2009 at 11:56 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
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Posted by Adam Kolber on 10/24/2009 at 12:02 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
Posted by Adam Kolber on 10/23/2009 at 12:01 PM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
Earlier this week Neil Levy, Jeanette Kennett, and Craig Fry convened a symposium entitled “Addiction, Identity & Responsibility: Perspectives from Neuroscience, Social Science, Philosophy and Law”. You can download the program here: Download Addiction_neuroethics_symposium_2009program.
In addition, ABC radio's ‘All in the Mind’ program convened a discussion with many of the speakers. This session, called “Addiction, Free Will and Self Control,” will be broadcast on October 24th and will be available in podcast and transcript after that. Here’s the promo.
Posted by Adam Kolber on 10/23/2009 at 10:41 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
A fascinating study in Nature Neuroscience from earlier this year may have identified biological markers of childhood trauma in the brains of adults. Researchers examined brain tissue from three groups of people: (1) 12 suicide victims who had been abused as children; (2) 12 suicide victims who had no history of childhood abuse; and (3) 12 control subjects with no history of abuse who died from causes other than suicide. Remarkably, the researchers identified epigenetic activity in the group that committed suicide and had been abused that they didn't see in the other two groups.
The research holds out the potential that certain kinds of childhood trauma may have lasting effects on gene expression in the brain (and possibly elsewhere) that can potentially be identified. The research is at the earliest stages, however. There are about a million caveats (e.g., the research looks at features of groups of brains and not features of individual brains, removal of brain tissue is only practical for cadavers, the research has yet to be replicated, there were small sample sizes, any sort of trauma might trigger the epigenetic activity, etc.).
Someday, however, we may develop more reliable markers of childhood trauma or abuse. We currently have all sorts of methods of demonstrating physical abuse, but there is often no easily-observable physical evidence of sexual abuse. In the future, we may be able to provide biological markers of childhood abuse that could help inculpate an alleged abuser. (More likely, the absence of such markers might be some evidence to exculpate an alleged abuser.) How might such a technology be relevant in a scenario similar to one raised by the death of Michael Jackson? See here.
(Originally posted to Prawfsblawg.)
Posted by Adam Kolber on 10/22/2009 at 04:40 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
This post is adapted from my new draft article, The Experiential Future of the Law. Comments on the article are welcome at akolber “at” sandiego.edu:
Waterboarded interrogatees are strapped down on an incline, with their feet elevated above their heads, while water is poured over their faces to give the sensation of drowning. A federal statute prohibits those acting under color of law from engaging in acts “intended to inflict severe physical or mental pain or suffering” on people in their custody or control. Does waterboarding constitute the sort of intentional infliction of extreme pain or suffering that can qualify as torture?
We often address the question by focusing on the interrogation technique in the abstract. Generally speaking, waterboarding probably does inflict extreme pain and suffering. In fact, however, whether a person experiences extreme pain or suffering (and whether we can expect a person to) depends on the relationship between the person and the way he is treated. A person who developed PTSD from having nearly drowned in a swimming pool as a child will react differently to waterboarding than will a Marine who has advanced training in how to resist waterboarding. Defacing a religious text may constitute extreme suffering to one person but be largely inconsequential to the next.
Despite variation in interrogatee sensitivity, we seem inclined to rely on broad categories of prohibited interrogation behavior. Another way of safeguarding interrogatees, if we had sufficiently reliable technology, would be to limit the maximum distress an interrogatee is permitted to experience, based on certain biological markers. For example, we can already measure several markers of acute distress, like pulse, blood pressure, levels of stress hormones, galvanic skin response, and others. We’re even getting better at predicting which sorts of interrogation techniques are likely to lead to long-term negative effects. (There may be an unacceptable risk of electrocution that makes it impossible to measure distress during waterboarding, but there are lots of other interrogation techniques; so the general point remains.)
The idea of measuring people’s acute distress seems disturbing, but the concern is misplaced. The harm caused by inflicting some amount of distress is far more troubling than the comparatively slight invasion caused by measuring it. In fact, if you’re permitted to inflict modest amounts of pain or suffering, then perhaps you are morally obligated to measure the distress inflicted to make sure it does not reach a more extreme level.
The reason that the measurement of distress seems so troubling is that it forces us to palpably recognize and quantify the nasty business of intentionally making people suffer. The measuring is not the principle act of harm, however. Measuring merely forces us to confront and better quantify the real concern—the pain and suffering itself. If it's impermissible to measure the pain of technique X, you probably shouldn't be doing X in the first place.
There are several reasons why we might rely on “categorical” methods of banning torture rather than engaging in individualized measurements. I'll name just two. First, we may not be good enough at measuring acute distress. (True, though someday we probably will be.) Second, we may be skeptical of those tasked with measuring distress levels. We fear that they will simply rubber stamp torture. (True again, though it is far from clear that we couldn’t adopt procedures to reduce this concern. If people can be dishonest about measuring distress, they can be dishonest about what categories of interrogation are used.) In any event, we should not lose sight of the fact that even if we ban certain methods of interrogation, those methods are just rough proxies for our true concern, namely the intentional infliction of extreme pain and suffering.
(X-posted).
Posted by Adam Kolber on 10/21/2009 at 03:53 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
This piece was recently posted to SSRN (and is downloadable for a fee):
"A Cure for Crime? Psycho-Pharmaceuticals and Crime Trends"
NBER Working Paper No. w15354DAVE E. MARCOTTE, University of Maryland Baltimore County, Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA)
SARA MARKOWITZ, Newark College of Arts & Sciences - Department of Economics, National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER)
In this paper we consider possible links between the advent and diffusion of a number of new psychiatric pharmaceutical therapies and crime rates. We describe recent trends in crime and review the evidence showing mental illness as a clear risk factor both for criminal behavior and victimization. We then briefly summarize the development of a number of new pharmaceutical therapies for the treatment of mental illness which diffused during the “great American crime decline.� We examine limited international data, as well as more detailed American data to assess the relationship between crime rates and rates of prescriptions of the main categories of psychotropic drugs, while controlling for other factors which may explain trends in crime rates. We find that increases in prescriptions for psychiatric drugs in general are associated with decreases in violent crime, with the largest impacts associated with new generation antidepressants and stimulants used to treat ADHD. Our estimates imply that about 12 percent of the recent crime drop was due to expanded mental health treatment.
Posted by Adam Kolber on 10/19/2009 at 04:48 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
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Posted by Adam Kolber on 10/17/2009 at 10:29 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)
